Elsevier

The Lancet

Volume 393, Issue 10190, 22–28 June 2019, Pages 2522-2534
The Lancet

Series
Improving health with programmatic, legal, and policy approaches to reduce gender inequality and change restrictive gender norms

https://doi.org/10.1016/S0140-6736(19)30656-7Get rights and content

Summary

Evidence that gender inequalities and restrictive norms adversely affect health is extensive; however, far less research has focused on testing solutions. We first comprehensively reviewed the peer-reviewed and grey literature for rigorously evaluated programmes that aimed to reduce gender inequality and restrictive gender norms and improve health. We identified four mutually reinforcing factors underpinning change: (1) multisectoral action, (2) multilevel, multistakeholder involvement, (3) diversified programming, and (4) social participation and empowerment. Following this review, because little research has investigated the effects of national-level law and policy reforms, we conducted original quasi-experimental studies on laws and policies related to education, work, and income, all social determinants of health in which deep gender inequalities exist. We examined whether the laws and policies significantly affected health outcomes and gender norms, and whether law-induced and policy-induced changes in gender norms mediated the health effects, in areas for which longitudinal data existed. Laws and policies that made primary education tuition-free (13 intervention countries with the law and/or policy and ten control countries without) and that provided paid maternity and parental leave (seven intervention and 15 control countries) significantly improved women's and their children's health (odds ratios [OR] of 1·16–2·10, depending on health outcome) and gender equality in household decision making (OR 1·46 for tuition-free and 1·45 for paid maternity and parental leave) as a proxy indicator of gender norms. Increased equality partially mediated the positive effects on health outcomes. We conclude by discussing examples of how improved governance can support gender-equitable laws, policies, and programmes, immediate next steps, and future research needs.

Introduction

Adverse social circumstances—including educational disadvantage, poverty, and poor working conditions—raise morbidity and mortality, as shown conclusively by the vast published literature, well summarised by the WHO Commission on Social Determinants of Health.1, 2 Extensive evidence shows that gender inequalities leave women and girls worse off in each of these areas.3 For example, an estimated 5 million more girls of primary-school age are out of school than boys.4 Women earn only 77% of their male counterparts' wages, and their overall labour-force participation, 48·5%, trails 26·5 percentage points behind men's.5 Governance structures shaping education, work, and income are also grossly unequal. Women constitute only a minority of private-sector chief executive officers,6 and women's representation in national parliaments still stands at only 23·7%.7

Gender inequalities and power imbalances also markedly affect interpersonal relationships and individual agency. A 2018 analysis of surveys from 54 countries found that four in five women did not have agency in critical aspects of family relationships.8 Furthermore, women and girls disproportionately carry caregiving and household responsibilities globally. According to data from 83 countries and areas, women allocate 2·6 times as much of their day to unpaid care and domestic work as men.7

When women receive lower wages, pensions, or social protections than men, they are personally disadvantaged, their households have fewer resources, and less money is spent on the health and education of all children.9, 10 Although gender inequalities disproportionately disadvantage women and girls, both gender inequalities and restrictive gender norms negatively affect the health of people of all sexes. Papers 1 and 3 of this Series11, 12 on gender equality, norms, and health provide numerous examples of pathways whereby restrictive gender norms affect the health of men and boys13, 14, 15 and gender and sex minorities, as well as women and girls.16, 17, 18, 19

Key messages

  • High-quality gender-transformative programmes shared several features: multisectoral action, multilevel and multistakeholder involvement, diversified programming, and social participation and empowerment

  • Tuition-free primary education and paid maternity and parental leave policies improved gender equality in decision making and improved health outcomes; these policies had both direct positive health effects and a positive impact on health mediated by more gender equality in decision making

  • More broadly, policies and programmes that lead to greater equality in education and at work are promising for increasing life expectancy as an increase in educational parity was significantly associated with improvements in both female and male life expectancy, and an increase in parity at work with improvement in female life expectancy

  • Increasing gender equality in governance matters for the passage and implementation of transformative programmes, laws, and policies; many countries provide promising approaches to increasing gender equality in leadership positions and monitoring equity of budgets and human resource allocations

  • For both policy and programmatic interventions, long-term follow-up of their passage, support, and implementation across settings is needed

There is a vast breadth of settings important to human health—including interpersonal relationships, schools, workplaces, and governments—in which restrictive gender norms, as well as gender inequalities, prevail. Restrictive gender norms help to perpetuate, reinforce, and propagate inequalities and shape how people live, grow, interact, learn, and work.11, 12 Addressing gender inequalities and restrictive gender norms is essential for respecting everyone's human rights, and, beyond this intrinsic importance, can lead to substantial potential health gains for all.

This paper, the third in this Series, focuses on approaches that aim to decrease gender inequalities and restrictive gender norms and improve health. Particularly, we investigate what works in societal, community, and household settings that dramatically influence health outcomes but do not deliver medical care. In paper 4 of this Series,20 the effects of gender inequalities and restrictive gender norms in health systems are detailed.

Because these approaches have prompted varying quantities of research, this paper adopts differing methods of examining how programmes and how laws and policies might affect gender inequalities, restrictive gender norms, and health outcomes. Other promising vehicles of change, including social movements and governance, are addressed in paper 5 of this Series.21

We begin by presenting a comprehensive review of existing research on the effectiveness of programmes at improving health and addressing restrictive gender norms.22 We then present original research on an understudied topic: the potential of laws and policies to change both gender norms and health outcomes at scale. Both possible pathways of impact—programmes, and laws and policies—are shown in our conceptual model (appendix), which builds on the framework presented in paper 1 of this Series.11 In our discussion, we examine promising reforms in governance, which can affect the success of laws, policies, and programmes at improving gender equality. We conclude by discussing our findings' implications for ongoing efforts to improve health.

Section snippets

Improving health and transforming gender norms through programme implementation

We comprehensively researched the peer-reviewed and grey literature to identify rigorously evaluated programmes that fit criteria for gender-transformative programming22 (panel 1) and sought to change health outcomes in any area. By searching for and including any rigorously evaluated programme, provided it fit the parameters of our gender-transformative definition and evaluated changes in a health-related outcome (at minimum) or health-related and gender-related outcomes (at best), we expanded

Descriptive analysis of findings

We identified 87 evaluations of 85 programmes that met evaluation criteria by using quantitative methods that can assess causality (appendix): 52 (60%) used exclusively quantitative approaches and the remaining used mixed methods. 40 (46%) used a randomised experimental design and 47 (54%) were quasi-experimental. Geographically, the 85 programmes were heavily concentrated in sub-Saharan Africa (n=39, 46%), south Asia (n=20, 24%), and North America (n=14, 16%). Although the search strategy

Analysis of what works to transform gender norms and health-related outcomes

We did an additional level of analysis to reflect programmatic evidence of, or potential for, broader norm change: multiplicity, sustainability, spreadability, and scalability (panel 1). From the 85 programmes identified in our search, 41 (48%) measured multiple outcomes, 34 (40%) showed sustainability, 41 (48%) showed evidence of spread, and 32 (38%) were taken to scale or showed the intent to do so. Only 16 programmes met all four criteria and were deemed to have the highest quality (appendix

Can laws and policies improve gender norms and health at national scale?

Many strong community-level approaches were apparent in our analyses of programmes that work to transform gender norms and health-related outcomes, but relatively few approaches were available at the national level. Additionally, although the best programmes we assessed effectively moved gender norms, thus changing a key social determinant of health, few programmes addressed other key drivers of gender inequality and restrictive gender norms at a national level, including disparities in

New longitudinal analyses

We selected laws and policies, subject to data availability, that have the potential to improve gender equality in education and work for our analyses. We then evaluated whether these law and policy reforms affected health outcomes by reducing gender disparities in household roles. Taking an example in the area of work and income, we examine the impact of paid maternity and parental leave on gender equality in decision making and health outcomes. Evidence has shown that paid maternity and

Data

For each country under study, we retrieved data on the availability of tuition-free primary education from a database compiled by the WORLD Policy Analysis Center (known as WORLD) at the University of California, Los Angeles, CA, USA.66 The information in WORLD's database was largely derived from original legislation and policy documents available through the UN Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization's Observatory on the Right to Education.67 The Policy Relevant Observational

Results of longitudinal law and/or policy analyses: impact on gender roles in decision making and on health outcomes

Exposure to an additional 10 weeks of paid maternity and parental leave substantially increased the odds of better women's and children's health outcomes, particularly use of modern contraception methods, relative to women with no exposure (OR 1·34–2·10; table 1). Exposure to tuition-free primary education laws and/or policies substantially increased women's likelihood of completing primary school (appendix), and substantially increased women's and their children's likelihood of having better

Health impact augmented by more gender-equitable roles

We also investigated whether these law-induced and/or policy-induced changes in the proxy for gender norms helped account for the reforms' health benefits. For each health outcome, we report both the direct and the indirect (ie, mediated by the norm proxy) effects of law and/or policy exposure (table 2).

Exposure to both laws and/or policies had not only significant and positive direct effects on health outcomes, but also significant and positive indirect effects, showing that gender norm change

Examining global adoption of educational and labour laws and policies

Given the effectiveness of these educational and labour laws and/or policies at improving gender equality and multiple health outcomes, their global adoption should be examined. Our analysis of their current state of adoption in all 193 UN countries revealed important progress and concerning gaps for both laws and/or policies. Seven countries worldwide have not adopted tuition-free primary education laws and/or policies, and 32 have not committed to providing tuition-free secondary education

Examining potential for health improvements from a broader array of laws and policies increasing gender equality in education and work

Although our quasi-experimental studies focused on legislated guarantees of tuition-free primary education and paid maternity and parental leave, other initiatives that change restrictive gender norms and promote gender equality in education and work are also likely to affect health. For example, many laws and policies affecting advancement in, and the quality of, education and work might dramatically affect gender equality. Although data were not available to examine these laws and policies in

Gaps and limitations

Several important limitations of these studies should be noted. Our review of programme evaluations was not restricted by health outcome, age, or geographic area. Therefore, feasibility required limiting the review to quantitative and mixed-methods studies with experimental and quasi-experimental designs, which are suitable for examining causal effect. Potentially high-quality programmes that were evaluated solely with qualitative or other non-experimental methods were not included. Also, the

Discussion

Our findings make clear that well designed and implemented laws, policies, and programmes can both transform norms and improve health. The effective interventions include those explicitly focused on transforming restrictive gender norms and those known to increase equal opportunities across sex and gender, whether or not that is the stated objective. Successful examples of increasing equal opportunities include lowering cost barriers to education for everyone, which disproportionately benefits

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