Adverse social circumstances—including educational disadvantage, poverty, and poor working conditions—raise morbidity and mortality, as shown conclusively by the vast published literature, well summarised by the WHO Commission on Social Determinants of Health.1, 2 Extensive evidence shows that gender inequalities leave women and girls worse off in each of these areas.3 For example, an estimated 5 million more girls of primary-school age are out of school than boys.4 Women earn only 77% of their male counterparts' wages, and their overall labour-force participation, 48·5%, trails 26·5 percentage points behind men's.5 Governance structures shaping education, work, and income are also grossly unequal. Women constitute only a minority of private-sector chief executive officers,6 and women's representation in national parliaments still stands at only 23·7%.7
Gender inequalities and power imbalances also markedly affect interpersonal relationships and individual agency. A 2018 analysis of surveys from 54 countries found that four in five women did not have agency in critical aspects of family relationships.8 Furthermore, women and girls disproportionately carry caregiving and household responsibilities globally. According to data from 83 countries and areas, women allocate 2·6 times as much of their day to unpaid care and domestic work as men.7
When women receive lower wages, pensions, or social protections than men, they are personally disadvantaged, their households have fewer resources, and less money is spent on the health and education of all children.9, 10 Although gender inequalities disproportionately disadvantage women and girls, both gender inequalities and restrictive gender norms negatively affect the health of people of all sexes. Papers 1 and 3 of this Series11, 12 on gender equality, norms, and health provide numerous examples of pathways whereby restrictive gender norms affect the health of men and boys13, 14, 15 and gender and sex minorities, as well as women and girls.16, 17, 18, 19
Key messages
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High-quality gender-transformative programmes shared several features: multisectoral action, multilevel and multistakeholder involvement, diversified programming, and social participation and empowerment
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Tuition-free primary education and paid maternity and parental leave policies improved gender equality in decision making and improved health outcomes; these policies had both direct positive health effects and a positive impact on health mediated by more gender equality in decision making
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More broadly, policies and programmes that lead to greater equality in education and at work are promising for increasing life expectancy as an increase in educational parity was significantly associated with improvements in both female and male life expectancy, and an increase in parity at work with improvement in female life expectancy
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Increasing gender equality in governance matters for the passage and implementation of transformative programmes, laws, and policies; many countries provide promising approaches to increasing gender equality in leadership positions and monitoring equity of budgets and human resource allocations
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For both policy and programmatic interventions, long-term follow-up of their passage, support, and implementation across settings is needed
There is a vast breadth of settings important to human health—including interpersonal relationships, schools, workplaces, and governments—in which restrictive gender norms, as well as gender inequalities, prevail. Restrictive gender norms help to perpetuate, reinforce, and propagate inequalities and shape how people live, grow, interact, learn, and work.11, 12 Addressing gender inequalities and restrictive gender norms is essential for respecting everyone's human rights, and, beyond this intrinsic importance, can lead to substantial potential health gains for all.
This paper, the third in this Series, focuses on approaches that aim to decrease gender inequalities and restrictive gender norms and improve health. Particularly, we investigate what works in societal, community, and household settings that dramatically influence health outcomes but do not deliver medical care. In paper 4 of this Series,20 the effects of gender inequalities and restrictive gender norms in health systems are detailed.
Because these approaches have prompted varying quantities of research, this paper adopts differing methods of examining how programmes and how laws and policies might affect gender inequalities, restrictive gender norms, and health outcomes. Other promising vehicles of change, including social movements and governance, are addressed in paper 5 of this Series.21
We begin by presenting a comprehensive review of existing research on the effectiveness of programmes at improving health and addressing restrictive gender norms.22 We then present original research on an understudied topic: the potential of laws and policies to change both gender norms and health outcomes at scale. Both possible pathways of impact—programmes, and laws and policies—are shown in our conceptual model (appendix), which builds on the framework presented in paper 1 of this Series.11 In our discussion, we examine promising reforms in governance, which can affect the success of laws, policies, and programmes at improving gender equality. We conclude by discussing our findings' implications for ongoing efforts to improve health.